Arab Rioting and the Jewish Case in Palestine

Tension and uneasiness rule high at the moment. As I look out of my window, on to the busy Jaffa Road of Jerusalem, my attention is caught by knots of people here and there, gathered to discuss the events of the past few days. Were these disturbances justified even from an Arab political point of view? How can they affect the Yishub and the work of the Yishub? What can the Government learn of the bloodshed? Those are the questions that are being seriously asked; and some find it difficult to answer.

Before I go on to a description of the cardinal events themselves, I wish to make this clear: that true to the written instructions the Arab Executive sent out months ago, and which are contained in its own minutes of which I have special information, not a single Jew was deliberately harmed or attacked; and not a single Jew is going to be so. The Arabs have no quarrel with the Jews. They declare that we are just as much the pawn of the British as they are. Their policy, they say, is anti-Mandatory and not anti-Jewish. That is their lesson from the 1929 disturbances: namely, that there is no racial question, there need be no racial hostility, their whole plaint is based on political grounds.

CONFUSION OF CIRCUMSTANCES

Speaking as a Jewish reporter and as one who has been through a series of riots in Palestine since the early part of 1921, I assert that what we Jews are facing in Palestine is not a clear-cut problem, but a confusing variety of circumstances. We have our own internal troubles; we have our relations with the Government constantly to adjust; we have the pressure of the Diaspora clamoring for more certificates; and we have the Arab population of Palestine to consider as an ever-present and vexing problem. At present, the Arabs are non-aggressive towards the Jews as such; what will happen tomorrow, and the day after tomorrow?

The events of October 27-30th teach us three lessons:

(1) That the Government should have paid attention to the warnings of the Army authorities which, I learn on exclusive authority, recommended the earlier arrest of the agitators: warnings that were gravely uttered in the editorial columns of the Hebrew press;

(2) That the Government has the power to use when it wishes, and that the disturbances of 1929 could have been prevented and that we are living on the brink of a volcano;

(3) That the mob appeals to Caesar by violence, that Caesar listens to violence, and that we must always be on guard for the development of such portents as have manifested themselves the past few weeks.

VIOLENCE ONLY PROPAGANDA

What has the Arab mob at its disposal in Palestine? The Arabs have no money, a faulty organization, an apathetic peasantry, an ambitious effendi feudal class. Their only weapon is aggressiveness, fighting, quarrelling. And that is how they get into the world news columns: for violence is their best article of propaganda. The leaders know it.

I do not think that the Arab leaders would have gone to the limits of agitation had they known before-hand that the police would fire on the crowds if necessary. There are some who think that had the authorities permitted circumscribed demonstrations within given limits, the Arabs would have “let off steam” and then gone their way rejoicing. Whether this would have affected the prestige of the Government, is another matter, say these people; but it would have prevented bloodshed, and certainly would not have drawn attention to the Arab claims as it may have done now.

THE ARABS GET A CASE

The world will stop to think, say these pacifists: What have the Arabs done? They have been beaten, injured, shot at, because they object to an increased Jewish immigration which they fear is damaging their own position. In other words, they are oppressed. We, who are acquainted with the motives of the artificial Arab propaganda, know otherwise: we know what we are giving the Arabs and how their culture has risen under our influence; but does the world, giving the situation a superficial glance, know this? Is it worth our while to court the displeasure of the nations, in spite of our legitimate and clean-cut case, in view of the Jewish debacle in Germany?

Take a case in point: the Palestine Government refused to enroll British Jews for its special constabulary, which have a non-combatant status—driving cars, riding motorcycles with messages, acting as station clerks. Yet these Anglo-Jews are British to the bone; they admire English institutions, psychology, mind; they quiver at the National Anthem, and glow with pride to see the Union Jack flying. In the midst of their adopted people, however, they are the objects of a “major policy” when it comes to assisting their King in maintaining law and order in legitimate ways. Many of us ought to remember that in our consideration of the present case.

OFFICIAL REASSURANCES

Will these events bring about a change of policy on the part of the British Government and Palestine Administration? The Colonial Secretary, speaking to the Palestine High Commissioner over the radio-telephone at the Haifa Harbor opening ceremony, was categorically clear on the point that the dual obligations, that of establishing the National Home for the Jewish People in Palestine and that of safeguarding the rights of all the inhabitants, would be most carefully observed.

“Without fear or favor” was the phrase that Sir Philip Cunliffe-Lister used; and that was coined by Sir Herbert Samuel when High Commissioner in Palestine, as long as June, 1921, and Sir Herbert was a warm-hearted Jew, and still is.

That means obviously that the Jewish people cannot expect too much of the present policy; it is bound to adjust itself to the requirements of circumstances; and, above all, the events of these past few days will have an effect, indirectly perhaps, that the Jewish people cannot avert. Violence has been used, and law and order disturbed, by a section of the people; the ring leaders no doubt will be punished with the full rigor of the law; but the significance, the character, and the underlying motives of that violence are receiving their due weight of consideration among the authorities who shape the policy and the future of this small country, precious to the Jews and coveted because of its intrinsic and extrinsic value by a people who have never realized its true worth until we went to work to prove it to them.

THE CURVE OF EVENTS

A chronological sequence will show how the curve of violence rose, until November 1st, and fell in accordance with the temper of the times.

The chronicle may start with a record of the ceaseless agitation waged by the Arab organizations, the Arab Executive and the Arab Youths’ Association, with the stoppage of Jewish immigration and the legislative curtailment of land sales to Jews. This culminated in Jerusalem with an attempted demonstration on October 13 which was dispersed by the police with little injuries.

It is significant to note that both in the October 13 attempt and the later events, the Military were not called upon to act, and the police authorities handled every situation.

During the fortnight from October 13th to October 27th the Arab Executive held several meetings, as did the Arab Youths’ Association, to prepare for the Jaffa demonstration. The Arabic press published innumerable articles, although checked in a measure by the stern warnings of the District Commissioners that retributive action would follow upon any open attempt at incitement.

COMMISSIONER’S WARNING

October 25—High Commissioner warns leaders of the Arab Executive against holding the demonstration, as the police have strict orders to disperse all attempts. He affirms that the policy of the country will be the regulation of immigration by the economic absorption capacity of the land.

October 26—Arab Executive meets at Jaffa to make final “preparations.” It assures the Jaffa leaders that the Government will not fire, and urges that all force be used to hold the demonstration. The Arab Youths’ Association has representatives at the meeting.

October 27—The leaders meet in the morning, and the Moslems then go to the Mosque where some three or four thousand are assembled. Police search all suspected pedestrians entering Jaffa as well as cars, and takes every precaution.

A procession is formed at 12:30 p.m. After several baton charges, the police are powerless to disperse them; shots are fired from the crowd at the police, and they fire a few rounds under control in self-protection, By 2 p.m. the rioters are dispersed. Unofficial estimates place the killed at about 18 to 20 and injured at about 30, with many minor casualties from the baton charges.

At 6 p.m. there are attacks attempted both at Nablus and Haifa. Casualties are inflicted, and a British policeman is dangerously stabbed at Haifa.

OCTOBER 28TH ATTACKS

October 28—Attacks by rioters upon police station and railway station at Haifa. Situation quickly restored. Two killed and many injured.

In the afternoon, High Commissioner receives a deputation of Arabs, all of them non-active in politics, with the exception of Musa Kazem Pasha Al-Husseimi, President of the Arab Executive. His Excellency makes a categorical statement on the Arab fear of “Jewish supremacy” and as to a representative government.

October 29—Various attempts to demonstrate in Jerusalem. Alleged cause is the declared “illegal police firing.” Shops are closed, and the Arab general strike is in full swing, to the great detriment only of Arab trade. Jewish shops are forced to close, and one is wrecked partly for refusing. Hooligan pickets noticeable. Homemade bombs are thrown at the police near Jaffa Gate. Two policemen, one British and one Arab, meet a hostile crowd in the Old City, and upon being unable to resist them from seizing their rifles, open fire. Subsequent deaths amount to five with many casualties.

Attempts to demonstrate at Damascus Gate. Police charge, and there are casualties.

The night is quiet.

DEPUTATION RECEIVED

October 30—High Commissioner receives a deputation of Arab women and assures them about the well-being of the prisoners and those in hospital. Publication of Order-in-Council and Emergency Regulations.

October 31—Excited crowds assemble at Tulkarem, protesting against Jewish immigration, sale of land to Jews, imprisonment of Arab leaders, and the alleged harshness of the police towards the people. With the assistance of notables and leaders (including the Mayor), the District Officer manages to have the crowd dispersed peacefully.

A disorderly crowd assembles at Amman and demonstrates, but is dispersed peacefully. The Arab strike is generally maintained.

The High Commissioner performs the opening ceremony of the new Harbor at Haifa in accordance with the modified programme, without any guests being present, the special train having been cancelled in accordance with his desire not to hold a festive occasion in these times.

November 1—No incidents. Preventive arrests of many Communists on suspicion of attempting to stir up trouble.

November 2—No incidents. Communists continue to be arrested. The strike still goes on; but Arabs are losing more than any other section. The tension has noticeably slackened.