Long-awaited Netanyahu Visit Goes According to Premier’s Plan

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s long- sought visit to Washington this week could be headlined, “The crisis that wasn’t.”

Despite predictions that the visit would highlight the gap between Israel and the Clinton administration, Netanyahu’s own analysis of his meetings were echoed by American officials.

“The goodwill is there, the pieces are there, we’re trying to put them together and we’re making a real effort to do so,” he said after meeting with both President Clinton and U.S.Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

With so much at stake, Netanyahu had crafted his visit in a way to remind Clinton that he could bear the wrath of an angry American constituency if the White House was perceived as pressuring Israel.

Significantly, however, it was not the Jewish community he turned to demonstrate his support as much as conservative political and Christian leaders.

At the same time, Netanyahu knows that he must continue to rely on Clinton to broker agreements with Arafat in the absence of direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.

In the end, the plan seems to have worked.

Netanyahu pledged time and time again to forge ahead with the peace process, but only if the Palestinians fully comply with their previous accords with Israel. Only then, Netanyahu told his audiences, would he proceed with an overdue redeployment from the West Bank.

But as Netanyahu moved from rallies and meetings into substantive talks, there were indications that progress on the long-stalled Israeli-Palestinian peace front was possible.

As the visit proceeded, furthermore, the premier’s absolute declarations softened, according to Israeli and American officials.

And now the task has turned to forging a compromise agreement between Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat, who was due to meet President Clinton on Thursday.

Once in the Oval Office on Tuesday, Clinton tried to pin Netanyahu down on what it would take for Israel to implement the U.S. call for a “credible and substantial” redeployment from more of the West Bank.

Boosting claims of a possible breakthrough, Clinton scheduled an unplanned second meeting with Netanyahu.

In another possible sign of movement, Netanyahu revealed that the United States has asked him to allow the Palestine National Council to convene in the Gaza Strip.

“They wouldn’t stay there for very long, but they could convene in Gaza,” Netanyahu said he told the Americans. The purpose of such a gathering presumably would be to change the Palestinian Covenant, which calls for Israel’s destruction.

Netanyahu has said he would not proceed with a redeployment unless the Palestinians complete the process of amending the covenant.

After his 90-minute meeting with Clinton on Tuesday, Netanyahu told reporters that he had explained Israel’s security concerns to the president but stressed Israel’s willingness to redeploy if they see “that measure of Palestinian compliance which has been lacking so far.”

Netanyahu also met with Vice President Al Gore, who hosted a luncheon for his delegation.

While Netanyahu and Clinton did not produce an agreement, the outlines of a U.S.-proposed package are becoming clearer, according to Israeli and U.S. officials.

James Rubin, State Department spokesman, said the terms and conditions of a further Israeli redeployment were a major focus of Netanyahu’s meetings with Clinton and Albright.

While reiterating the U.S.demand for a “credible” and “significant” redeployment, Rubin told reporters there is more at issue than how much land is involved. Also of concern is the quality of the land, the timing of a redeployment and the security situation that evolves.

According to the U.S.plan, Israel would turn over at least 12 percent more of the West Bank.

But the plan would involve a phased redeployment that would be tied to specific Palestinian fulfillment of its commitments. A senior Israeli official told reporters that Clinton and Netanyahu moved closer to agreement on that point.

But Netanyahu still has his Cabinet to contend with, and everything discussed here must be approved by his coalition back home. Some members of his coalition have threatened to leave the government if Netanyahu agrees to cede any more land.

Thus Netanyahu arrived in Washington on Monday feeling pressure from his constituents at home — yet knowing that Clinton was determined to move the faltering process forward. In fact, Clinton, signaling that he meant business, had already announced that he would not be inviting Netanyahu to the customary working lunch usually accorded a head of state.

From the moment Netanyahu arrived, he tried to surround himself with supporters. In a breach of protocol that was seen as an attempt to send a message to the White House, Netanyahu’s huddled first with Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.). Usually visiting leaders first meet with administration officials.

But the Republican leader, usually an outspoken critic of Clinton’s policy toward Israel policy, declined to comment on specific issues at hand.

Netanyahu also scheduled a series of Capitol Hill meetings with prominent Republicans and Democratic lawmakers who returned to Washington for that purpose even though they were still in recess.

After the Gingrich meeting, Netanyahu addressed a rally of primarily conservative Christian — and some Jewish — supporters.

The standing room only crowd rose to their feet and cheered the Israeli premier in a fashion that was unparalleled in either of his two meetings with the Jewish community.

With American Jews deeply divided on the peace process, Netanyahu had turned to one of the few groups that he knew would give him an enthusiastic welcome.

Indeed, his visit was surrounded by an unusual display of full-page newspaper advertisements as Jewish groups from across the political spectrum sought to make their voices heard.

While some urged Clinton to continue to press both parties for peace, others cautioned the president against pressuring Israel.

For their part, speakers at the National Unity Coalition for Israel railed against the transfer of land for peace as a “hoax” and the crowd burst into a chant of “not one inch” after Netanyahu’s speech.

The White House saw the rally as an effort by Netanyahu to surround himself with politically important constituencies to insulate himself against public pressure from the president.

The meetings, which included a session with Moral Majority leader Jerry Falwell, an arch Clinton opponent, did not go unnoticed by Clinton.

“It would be sufficient to say that the prime minister is probably aware of concerns that the president might have on some aspects of that,” Mike McCurry, the White House spokesman, said when asked about the sessions.

But at the end of the day it was Clinton who insulated himself against charges that he was pressuring Netanyahu.

Prior to Netanyahu’s arrival, Clinton met in the Oval Office with the chairman and executive vice chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations.

There’s a “growing concern in the American Jewish community,” Conference of Presidents Chairman Melvin Salberg said, “that there has been a shifting in attitude towards the peace process.”

“Clinton assured us,” he said, that his support for Israel is unshakable and that the special relationship is as strong as ever.

Then, Clinton used a photo opportunity with Israeli journalists to signal his strong support for Israel.

“I want to reaffirm to the people of Israel the strong support of the United States for Israel and the strong support of the United States for the security of Israel,” Clinton said.

In addition, Clinton backed Netanyahu, saying that “Israel has to make its own decisions about its own security.”