quota of subvention allotted to the Mosaic Cult. Questioned as to the injustice done to the needy Jews, the Government justified its attitude by saying that the Jews received help from their private organizations.
June 1929—The Union of Roumanian Jews celebrated the 10th anniversary of their emancipation. Divine services were held in the Carol Temple. The Royal Court and Regency were represented. Members of all political parties who have been in power since the war were present. The present Government alone was not represented by a Minister.
The newspapers printed the bill governing the modifications of the law of cults. It provides for the division of the Jewish Community into an infinite number of religious communities. It stipulates the subsidy for only one community of a given rite in each locality.
Representatives of the Union of Roumanian Jews and the federation of communities in the Old Kingdom took the initiative to combine in a single Jewish move to fight against the new bill. The campaign against Dr. Vlad’s bill resulted in all institutions and organizations of the Mosaic Cult in the Old Kingdom and the other provinces joining hands. On June 26th a congress called by the Federation of Communities of the Old Kingdom was held, and a motion voted to energetically protest against the meddling of the laymen in the affairs of the Mosaic Cult, i.e., the announced modification.
Authorized representatives of the Jewish populations appeared before the Regency, the Prime Minister and the Minister of Cults. Documented memoranda were filed, protesting against the repudiation and nullification of the Mosaic Cult’s rights accorded by the Constitution and other laws. It was proven that the new bill would strike heavily at our religious, cultural and charitable institutions. The daily press condemned the Government’s initiative to modify, in spite of the Jewish population’s will, the regime heretofore applied to the Mosaic Cult.
July 1929—Dr. Vlad’s bill was sent to Parliament. The representatives of all the minorities and the opposition protested against the bill. In the Senate, Chief Rabbi Dr. I. Niemirower, the representative of the Mosaic Cult, made an impressive and corroborative speech and was often interrupted by members of the majority. The signal for interruptions was given by Minister Vlad himself, who defended his bill by questionable methods. In the House the bill was opposed by the Independent Jewish Deputies elected on the Government’s ticket by the National-Peasant Jewish Deputies and Deputies of the minorities. Some Bessarabian Deputies condemned Dr. Vlad’s bill.
Prime Minister Maniu gave decisive support by personally interceding with the members of the majority whenever the bill seemed endangered. Premier Maniu forced the passage of the bill and allowed the acceptance of only one amendment proposed by Deputy Emil D. Fagure, which provided that the community be consulted before the final drawing up of the law.
August 1929—The Government authorized a meeting of the Christian students at Putna, Bukovina.
The press protested against the Ministry of Health who, on general grounds, ordered the closing of the offices of Jewish dentists. The press emphasized that the measure was visibly anti-Semitic.
The governmental press in the Ardeal, headed by “Patria” and “Chemarea,” published articles which, in essence and tenure, resemebled the customary anti-Semitic literature.
The Government accorded free passage on the railroads to the students attending the Putna meeting. Outsiders (non-students), were also to participate at the meeting. The Congress of the students held this year in Oltenia, at Slatina, and which terminated with a proclamation of adhering to the anti-Semitic principles of the “National Union of Christian Students” was brought to light on this occasion.
The press drew attention that the stands in stations and trains were exclusively let to agents of the anti-Semitic leagues.
September 1929—The Government took no measures for the preservation of order during and after the Congress of Putna, which was authorized, subsidized and organized by it. The authorities tendered an official welcome to the congressionists. They were greeted in the name of the Government, housed and feted by the local authorities.
All efforts expended by the press headed by “Neamul Romanesc” (Prof. Iorga’s paper) to elucidate the role of Mr. Tazlaoanu, undersecretary at the Ministry of the Interior, were futile. The Government refused to issue an explanation, although the press, beyond any doubt, proved that the secretary of Mr. Vaida had directly participated in the excesses made possible by the Congress of Putna. Endeavors to secure compensation for the victims of these anti-Semitic aggressions were in vain. The Government refused, contrary to declarations made in the beginning, to accord them any compensation.
“Chemarea,” a paper of the National Peasant Party of Cluj, published a series of articles against the Jews. The same paper sided with the Arabs, who perpetrated the slaughtering of the Jews in Palestine. “Dreptatea,” the Government’s paper, defended the Government by stating that it could not have foreseen these excesses.
The entire press protested against the abuses of the Putna Congress. The Government was accused of not having taken any measures to prevent disturbances, and for not having issued any order for the protection of the citizens attacked by the students. “Dreptatea,” in an article published September 26, answered these accusations by mentioning: “The congenital mania of exaggeration of which Jews, be they citizens of this or of other countries, suffer.” The same paper, after affirming that the Government could not provide a special bodyguard for every traveling Jew, inquired: “Does it not suffice that the Government has energetically disapproved these intolerable manifestations and these intolerable measures to punish the culprits?” The newspaper could not, however, mention any case where punishment was inflicted. “Chemarea,” the Government’s paper in Cluj, also attacked the Jews on the ground that they exaggerate. “Dreptatea,” as well as “Chemarea” failed even to mention the abuses committed by Mr. Cuza’s students.
Under pressure of the press’s protests, the Minister of Interior ordered an investigation of the excesses committed in Putna. Mr. Macelaru, of the General Surete, investigated. The result of the investigation: the aggressors were innocent victims. The victims were the guilty ones. None of the aggressors were called to answer any charges.
“Adevarul” wrote the following regarding Mr. Macelaru’s investigation: “It is evident that Mr. Macelaru’s investigations and observations have a particular flavor. We believe that the latter struck a right note when he candidly affirmed that the students thought the Jews on the Cernowitz train responsible for the fact that the inscription on Eminescu’s statue in Putna was effaced by them. It is, furthermore, peculiar to know the zeal of the inspector in identifying the victims who did not care to give their addresses, while he does not mention anything about his efforts to learn the names of the students who had committed the barbarisms. The inspector could only learn the name of one student in theology. And yet he maintained that the students admitted that they attacked the stores in Dornesti because of the merchants’ lack of deference.” The quoted newspaper inquires: “Could the investigator not have asked information from Mr. Tazlaoanu, Mr. Vaida’s assistant secretary, who participated at the Congress?”
The Ministry of Public Instruction announced through a communique which appeared in Toulouse that some Jewish students did not pay for their lodgings. The Ministry decided that the “Union of Roumanian Jews” was responsible for these reproachful acts. Our newspaper answered befittingly to this “diversion” essayed by the Government after the Putna Congress. In a comeback, “Dreptatea” announced that the intervention ordered by the Ministry of Instructions would no longer take place.
“Lupta,” of September 25, announced
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The Archive of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency includes articles published from 1923 to 2008. Archive stories reflect the journalistic standards and practices of the time they were published.