The Programme of the Zionists Revisionists

(Issued by The League of Zionists Revisionists, American Branch, New York)

The aim of the Zionist movement is the creation of a Jewish majority in Palestine, west and east of the Jordan. That is not the ultimate object of Zionism, which has farther reaching ideals–the solution of the problem of Jewish misery all over the world, and the creation of a new Jewish culture. Yet, the prerequisite for attaining these two high ultimate objects is a country where the Jews form the majority of the population. It is only alter attaining such majority that Palestine can develop on normal political lines and on the basic principle of a parliamentary democracy without endangering the Jewish national essentials of the country.

"Why proclaim that aim?" we are asked by those dreamers who imagine that the true aims of Zionism may be hidden as a secret of plotters and conspirators. They are absolutely mistaken. Should we even attempt to keep silent about our real aims, that would, in the first place be useless, for all our adversaries not only understand our aims, but often deliberately exaggerate their scope, (they allege, for instance, that we desire to oust the non-Jews from Palestine). It is too late in the day to preach attenuated or diluted Zionism, after even the Arabs have read not only Herzl’s book "The Jewish State," but also a far more "dangerous" and "extremist" work on Zionism–the Bible. In the second place there are grave political dangers in being silent about, or worse still, in denying flatly our true aim. It can only lead to the impression that we ourselves sanction the restrictions on Jewish immigration, and that impression has already been produced. It has enabled the anti-Zionists to pose as "cultural Zionists." The argument is "since the Jews do not desire to create a majority in the country, but only to establish there a spiritual centre there is no need for us to bring pearly into Palestine scores of thousands of Jews: a few thousands, even hundreds, well selected and provided with plenty of money, are quite sufficient for the purpose." It is only in the name of the need to create a majority that we can logically demand facilities for a mass immigration. This is why we must resolutely oppose all restrictive interpretations of the aim of Zionism. One of the official documents hearing such a restrictive character–the so-called Churchill White Book of 1922–having been repeatedly rejected by the Arabs themselves, should be considered as virtually cancelled, which view has been implicitly confirmed by the Under-Secretary of the British Colonial Office at the meeting of the League of Nations Mandates Commission in Geneva, October, 1925.


In order to create within a period of say 25 years, a stable Jewish majority in Western Palestine only, we must have an animal average immigration of 40,000 Jews. If Eastern Palestine is to the included, the number of new settlers must be between 50,000 and 60,000 per year.

That the Jewish People possess a sufficient serve of man-power to send a steady stream of immigrants of that magnitude year by year has been proved by the immigration of the year 1924-1925.

It must, however, not be overlooked first the economic absorption of such grant numbers in a country the size of Palestine is a very complicated problem which is almost without parallel in the history of modern colonization. An annual influx of 40,000 souls would (at present) equal 6 per cent of the total population of Palestine (not including Transjordania). Even the immigration into the United States has at no time exceeded the proportion of 1/2 percent of the total population on the spot.


It follows that, in order to create a Jewish majority in Palestine, very special measures must be taken to make "economic room" in the country for the newcomers. Our enthusiasm, our "drives" for money, our energy and our spirit of self-sacrifice, however splendid, are not in themselves sufficient. The problem of a steady absorption of so large numbers of new settlers–year in, year out–requires the direct intervention of the Power of the State, that is to say, a whole series of administrative and legislative measures which can be achieved by a Government only.

That is the meaning of the expression "Political Zionism." Nobody underestimates the importance of practical work in Palestine, or the vital need for our collections and drives. Zionism consists, and must consist, of 90 per cent "economics" and only 10 per cent "polities." But these 10 percent of polities are the prerequisite of any success, the "Condition sine qua non." Petty colonization calculated to create a new ghetto can, of course, be carried on without the intervention of the state; but the creation of a majority is a State enterprise, mass immigration is essentially a State business. To bring it about the State must give its whole-hearted active and systematic support.

A clear definition of our political demands is therefore the first task of political Zionism. It is not sufficient to speak generally of "carrying out the mandate" or "perfecting our political activity." Even the most friendly government on earth man only reply to that by asking: "Very well but what is it about what measures do you ask for?" Zionism, therefore, must clearly formulate its demands and must explain specifically to itself and to the world, what reforms are necessary in order to secure the absorption of a great influx of new settlers in the various fields of economic life in Palestine.


The opening up of the country east of the Jordan is the first and foremost of these reforms. Transjordania although coming within the boundaries of the Mandate, was subsequently excluded from the scope of the "Zionist" clauses of that document. This was both a historical and a practical injustice. Historically the East Jordan Land was always part of Jewish Palestine: the Jews settled there even before the conquest of Western Palestine. From the practical viewpoint of mass immigration, Transjordania is perhaps of greater importance even than the West Jordan Land. Its area is almost as large, but it is inhabited by but one half or one third of the number of people inhabiting Western Palestine in has a better soli and several rivers. The opening up of Transjordania to Jewish immigration will double or treble the scope of possible immigration. In view of the great Jewish misery in Eastern Europe it is wrong even from the general humanitarian point of view to withhold from Jewish colonization this best part of Palestine.


An Agrarian Reform, applying to both shores of the Jordan, is the next immediate practical necessity of a real mast–colonization. It is acknowledged on all sides that the majority of new confers should be settled on land as tilters and laborers. For the present, however, but a very small militantly of the immigrants are able to devote themselves to agriculture. In the year 5686, not with standing a large influx of newcomers, many of them possessed of means of their own, not with-standing very considerable resources placed at the disposal of the Keren Hayesod and the National Fund, it has been impossible for the Zionist Organization to organize even one single new colony. Private efforts its that direction also met with very scent success. The child cause of the trouble is the high price of land. Already in 1921 we had to pay, for the around where nahatal {SPAN}###{/SPAN} Stands today 80,000 Egyptian pounds, and of that estate 8,000 Dunam only were found to be unable and are being titled by 80 families of farmers 1,000 per family as price of the bare ground without buildings, road of wells. Since their, however, the price of land has soared higher still. That state of affairs readers agricultural settlement on any large scale not only an unprofitable but in {SPAN}###{/SPAN} understands. No change can be expected in that respect so long as the Jews have to obtain land by buying it from {SPAN}###{/SPAN} owners, who are therefore in a position {SPAN}###{/SPAN} fictitious prices regulated only by the {SPAN}###{/SPAN} land-hunger of the Jew. Not build {SPAN}###{/SPAN} be solved by granting Jews {SPAN}###{/SPAN} of so-called "State Jewish," as the available land {SPAN}###{/SPAN} of the State {SPAN}###{/SPAN} to be {SPAN}###.{/SPAN}The only {SPAN}###{/SPAN} and complete solution of the {SPAN}###{/SPAN} is the transfer of all {SPAN}###{/SPAN} in the State under a {SPAN}###{/SPAN} including {SPAN}###{/SPAN} in their present owners and the {SPAN}###{/SPAN} in this way, of a Land {SPAN}###{/SPAN} for {SPAN}###.{/SPAN}According to the latest official {SPAN}###{/SPAN} Stanhope in the House of building {SPAN}###{/SPAN} the area of Palestine (without {SPAN}###){/SPAN}{SPAN}###{/SPAN} 27,000,000 Dunam, of which 10,000,000 Dunam only are more of less {SPAN}###vate. ### to seventeen million finance remain ###. How much of this last land can be made use of for agriculture or cattle breeding, will only be ascertained–as Lord Stanhope himself had to admit–after the completion of the official land survey. (In the year 1921 the Government estimated that about one-third of the fallow lying land–in so far as it had been more or less investigated–may be considered as fit for cultivation without any exceptional preparatory expense). One thing is certain: there are in Palestine today several millions of Dunams that can be cultivated either immediately or after suitable amelioration, but which have remained unused for centuries notwithstanding the fact that the greater part of that land is private property. Such a state of affairs can not be tolerated in a country deliberately opened for colonization.{/SPAN}In some 20 states in Europe land reforms are carried through of a much more drastic nature than the reform we urge, as in those countries not only fallow-lying land but even well cultivated large estates are being taken over under expropriation procedure and parceled out to smallholders. We, however, do not wish to lay claim to a single Dunam of land that is actually being tilled by anybody today. But the waste lands, even according to the letter of the Mandate (Article 6), should be made available for colonization. All waste land should become the property of the State.

Moreover, such a procedure would be in full accord with the spirit and sentiment of Mohammedan Land Law. There still exists in Palestine an old Turkish law based on the Koran (although, most unfortunately, it has never been carried into effect) that every plot of land that has remained uncultivated for three consecutive years automatically reverts to the State.*

The Land Reserve should, of course, be made available for Jews and Palestinian Arabs equally and on equal terms, of which the principal two are: (a) the applicant should prove that he does not own any other land in Palestine; and, (b) he should be in possession, either individually or as a member of an organized group, of the minimum capital required for setting up the necessary farm buildings, for the purchase of implements, etc.

It will be no injustice to the Arabs if under these two reasonable conditions the great majority of eligible applicants prove to be Jews.

Two important observations: Firstly, even after the reforms we suggest are carried out, it will remain impossible to settle men on the land who are entirely without resources. That could not be overcome even by the creation of long term land credit facilities; a portion–at least one-third–of the cost of settling (buildings, implements, stock, etc.), must always be found by the settler himself: out of the pocket of the old-style colonist, or out of the collective fund of the Kevutza. But the land reform will make possible what today in Palestine is not possible: the settlement on the land of individuals or groups who are possessed of a certain amount. Secondly, even under the reform law, land cannot be allotted freely. In every case the settler must begin to pay after a certain time of grace, generally after the third crop or harvest, that is after about two years, a reasonable rent. But the amount of the rent will be fixed by a responsible authority, not by a profiteering landlord. A part of that rent would be available for paying a reasonable compensation to the former owner.


A reform of the custom tariffs is a prerequisite of any sound urban colonization. A minority only of the town population is able to maintain itself by commerce or the so-called liberal professions.

*It has been suggested that direct expropriation could be replaced by a heavy tax on uncultivated land, together with an official assessment of land values on a fair pre-war basis. The majority must engage in industries. And, in fact, we see that the increased immigration during the last few years has brought about an increased industrial production. In 1923 the capital invested in Jewish industries in Palestine was estimated to be worth E!!!967,000, employing about 2,500 workmen and having mechanical plants of 1,380 HP. For July, 1925, the corresponding estimate was E!!!2,000,000, 5,000 men and 3,350 HP. (These figures do not include the Palestine Electricity works nor the new Rothschild Mill). The monthly consumption of electrical power for industrial purposes in Tel-Aviv in January, 1924, was 13,000 KWH only; in January, 1925, it was 45,000, in April 62,000, in May 87,000. That is in itself a very high tempo of development; yet it is only the beginning. The main question is: where can markets be found for disposing of a production that is growing so fast? The purchasing power of the Palestinians themselves is by no means negligible: In the course of the last few years the annual importation of goods of various kinds into Palestine was to the tune of 4 1/2 to 5 million Pounds; the greater part of the goods was no doubt purchased by Jews. Not all the goods so imported can as yet be produced in Palestine, but the returns of imported merchandise include such items as boots and shoes, clothes, stockings, silk goods, furniture, etc., the like of which are made in Palestine itself. From these facts it clearly follows that Palestine itself can absorb a considerable quantity of goods of the nature indicated, provided a system of protective tariffs, well thought out and firmly applied, sets up a custom duty wall that will effectively prevent or at least greatly curb foreign competition. Without such protection the Palestinian industries–factories and artisans alike–are doomed to succumb to competition.

The export trade also can be judiciously helped by State measures. Exportation premiums, specially reduced railway rates for export goods, and especially Commercial Treaties, can be made to help. It would not serve any practical purpose to attempt to prophesy as to whether Palestine will ever be able to become a great "industrial" country. The actual growth of the industry is a sufficient problem and aim for the present. Every new wave of immigration is bound to stimulate that home production: to insure its future growth Palestine requires measures similar to those that have always been adopted, in similar circumstances, by practically all countries except Great Britain: Protective custom duties, Commercial Treaties–in short, the intervention of State power.


The financing of a large scale colonization is equally a matter depending upon political measures. The Keren Hayesod and the Keren Kayemeth are both most important and useful institutions as far as they go; but the only means for procuring those much larger funds that are necessary for extensive land improvement, afforestation, drainage of marshes, etc., on a really national scale, is the launching of a National Loan. A loan, however, cannot be placed, unless two conditions are obtained: an adequate tangible security, and an official guarantee. The second, again, cannot be forthcoming in our case unless the first is secured. In the present circumstances obtaining in Palestine, the only security which represents a sufficient intrinsic value for the investor is land. When the agrarian reform is carried out and the land reserve to which we have referred duly organized and established, such reserve could serve as sufficient security for a mortgage loan, on lines similar to those applied in California. In that case it will also become possible to request the Palestine Government to step in as guarantor of a reliable and well planned administration of the "Dette Publique," the annual service of whose sinking fund and interest would be covered by settlers rents: A scheme on these lines would be the only practicalities way to raise a National loan of any considerate amount. All other suggestions (such as mongering the property of the various colonies, on pledging the revenues of the Keren Hayesod to cover the annual interest and sinking fund of the Loan) are mere utopias.


The opening up of the country East of the Jordan, land reform, and tariff reform are as we have seen, the political pre-requisites the ensuring the economic absorption year by year, of an uninterrupted mass immigration. Such an immigration can, of course not be allowed to now uncontrolled. The larger the number of immigrants, the greater the need of a systematic supervision and of a methodic selection of the human material. But that council should be vested in the same authority that is responsible for the success or future of the Colonization scheme. It is an absurdity that the whole burden of missing the funds, providing for the new settlers, and in general the whole of the colonizing and building on work is on the shoulders of the Zionist Organization, whilst the selection of human maternal on which the success of the work depends remains entrusted to other hands–to the government.

The entire control of the immigration both as regards numbers and qualifications, should be handed over to the Jewish Agency. There would be to real difficulty in safeguarding the Sovereign prerogatives of the Mandatory Power and the Palestine Government, provided real good will exists on both sides.


The above applies especially to the choice of High Commissioner. When Lord. Plumer was appointed without any consultation with the Jewish Agency, the whole of National Jewry left deeply hurt. This disappointment was not in any way on account of His Lordship’s personality: it was simply the expression of a conviction which lies deeply rooted in the Jewish mind that it is the moral duty of the Mandatory Power never to act in such important matter over the head of the Zionist representation. This principle is no violation of the Sovereignty of Great Britain: it is sanctioned by proper precedents in her own colonial practice. The Chief. Administrator of North Rhodesia is appointed with the consent of the British South Africa Company; the latter, being a Chartered Company, presents many analogies with the position of our Jewish Agency. A precedent still more in point was in 1920, the appointment of Sir Herbert Samuel whom as is well known, Mr. Llyed George selected after consultation with the President of the Zionist Organization.

The objection that the Mandate does not expressly make the procedure binding upon the Mandatory Power is no true argument. The Mandate is not an encyclopedia, it contains principles and main lines which simply require good will in their interpretation and application. One of the principles there laid down is as follows: "An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognized as a public body for the purpose of advising and cooperating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish National Home, and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine" (Article 4). It cannot fairly be denied that the personality of the High Commissioner and his views on Zionism, by which the whole attitude of the Administration in Palestine is necessarily determined for a number of years, is certainly one of those things that "may affect the establishment of the Jewish National Home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine."

###fore making appointments of decisive importance on the stuff of the Palestine Administration the Mandatory Power should consult that body which alone is in a position to judge whether A or B is a Pro-Zionist, an anti-Zionists or possible even an anti-Semize. That body is naturally the Jewish Agency–the Zionist Executive.


There is, however one difficulty that night frustrate all our efforts to arrive at our agreement with the Mandatory unless we are prepared to meet and answer it at the outset anti that is the problem of public security in Palestine. Every colonization in the whole history of the world, had to account with the assistance of the natives and Palestine is no exception. A government responsible for order, however well disposed towards Zionism cannot for ever will lose eight of that possibility. Any reforms favorable to the Zionist plan can, therefore only be undertaken if at the same time, there is a corresponding strengthening of the official machinery for the preservation of peace.

Since 1919 British public opinion has been unanimous and resolute in one demand the burden of the taxpayer must be relieved of all avoidable additions, especially on matters military. The government was therefore compelled to reduce the enormous British war-time army to an absolute minimum. Today England has fewer battalions than in 1913. Of that small army, a very small portion only can be maintained in Palestine: in 1925, including the British gendarmerie it numbered only about 1,500 men, and further reductions are already announced. Such a small garrison, with the best will in the world, would not be able to defend the 100 add Jewish settlements in the country in the event of a sudden attack, or any serious disturbance. To protect effectively the scattered Jewish villages and farms that force according to expert opinion should at least be trebled. But such an increase cannot be made at the expense of the British people. The very suspicion that the Zionists contemplate asking for anything of the sort would turn the British taxpayer against us; and it would be objected, with perfect justice, that the suggestion that the British people should provide their men and their money for the protection of the Jews is diametrically opposed to the spirit of that Anglo-Jewish pact of which the Mandate is the legal expression. The Balfour declaration has never meant, and was never understood to mean, that even a small fraction of the costs of Jewish colonization was to be found by the British people. The obligations of Great Britain are confined to the creation of "such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish National Home" (Article 2). By reason of these obligations we Jews are entitled to ask for legislative and administrative acts, but not for any material sacrifices, great or small, direct or indirect. Every shilling of money, every drop of sweat or of blood that may be required for the Jewish colonization must be given by the Jews themselves. This was and is the ethical contents of the "covenant" which, in the shape of the "Balfour Declaration," was made by and between the British and the Jewish peoples in the year 1917.

"Militarism" has nothing to do with all this. The most convinced opponent of standing armies and armaments is bound to see realities. Let us recapitulate: The possibility of anti-Zionist disturbances in Palestine today cannot unfortunately be denied by any serious observe of events. Pro-Zionist measures may increase their probability. Such measures can, accordingly be contemplated only in conjunction with a simultaneous strengthening of the protective power of the government, which involves fresh expenditure, in men as well as in money. That additional expenditure the British people cannot bear, does not wish to bear, and has not the slightest moral obligation to bear. Therefore the Jews must either find all the men and money required, or give up all political demands. But we have already seen that unless certain political demands are fulfilled, a successful immigration on a large scale becomes an economic impossibility. The opposition to the so-called "Legionism" amounts to renunciation of Zionism. That is the inexorable logic of reality before which the most devoted pacifist has to bow.


It has been calculated, by men with expert knowledge of these matters, that the effective protection of Jewish settlements requires a special force of 3 Battalions (about 3,000 men) which should be stationed at certain important points of the country in more or less important detachments. Arms and equipment (rifles, tents, etc.) will have to be supplied by Great Britain from the enormous residues of her war stores, without expending one pound of new money. All cash expenditure, however, (pay, food, etc.) will have to be borne by the Keren-Hayesod. In 1921 that expenditure was estimated at about !!!40,000 per Battalion, or !!!120,000 for three Battalions, on the condition that the Jewish soldier be prepared to content himself with a much smaller rate of pay than the one generally accepted in the British army. There is no doubt that he will gladly do so.

Large as the above-mentioned sums are, no person of good faith will maintain that they are beyond our national resources. It is a strain, but a strain which can be borne. Nor would it be fair to describe it as an "unproductive" expenditure: being one of the conditions prerequisite of all those political reforms without which mass immigration is impossible, this expenditure would, on the contrary, be among the most justified and most productive of all the items on the budget of the Keren Hayesod.


Here we must utter a warning against a beautiful, but dangerous illusion: it is the popular catchword that, in case of danger, "Our colonists will know how to defend themselves without any Legion." In a country where the Jews are, at present, outnumbered six to one, this is not a question of heroism but of simple arithmetic. One stick against six sticks, one contraband firearm against six equally easily smuggled firearms– are no use. In the face of such overwhelming odds even the most heroic defence force can be successful only if its technical training, its organization and especially its equipment are incomparably superior to those of its possible adversaries. Such superiority obviously can be achieved only by a body sanctioned and controlled by the government. The best, and the only effective, form of Jewish self-protection is a Jewish Regiment.


The legend that Zionist public opinion is on principle opposed to the formation of the "Legion" cannot be substantiated. In the year 1921 the following Zionist bodies declared themselves in favor of the reconstruction of the Jewish Regiment: The Vaad Ha-Leummi, The Zionist Conference of Poland, the Central Committee of the English Zionist Federation, the Actions Committee, the Political Commission of the XII Zionist Congress, and the Zionist Executive. The fact that some men, who formed part of those bodies, have lately changed their attitude is due not to any principle or conviction, but to that irresponsible impressionism which always acts under the influence of the very latest report, and forgets the foremost duty of statesmanship–the system of Joseph–to provide during the seven years of plenty against the following lean years of need and storm.


Our relations with the Mandatory Power are determined by two factors. With one of them we have already dealt: we are deeply convinced that the British nation is perfectly able to see the justice of every fair and reasonable claim, provided those making the claim carry out their own obligation and bear all the burdens involved in the upbuilding of the Jewish Homeland, whether in money, work, or blood. But there is also another factor, and that is the community of interests It is not true that England has conferred upon us a unilateral benefaction, without any counter-value being given by ourselves. The partnership has already brought Great Britain a great deal of valuable moral assistance, and will bring in future even more. In the whole "colonial world" controlled by European powers there is only one single land which is growing at an unprecedented rate, which attracts a relatively unprecedented number of immigrants–of whom a large proportion bring with them considerable private means,–and which balances its budget with an unprecedented surplus of income over expenditure. That land is Palestine. There are Powers in Western and Eastern Europe which do not conceal their envy of England’s "deal" with the Jews: this fact is known and appreciated by British public opinion as well as by the British government, even if diplomatists are silent about it, or enemies try to deny it.

The Jew receives much from Britain, but he also does much for Britain. The accounts are square, both partners benefit equally. Mutual loyalty on the basis of mutual benefits: that is the only foundation upon which Zionism must build up its relations with the Mandatory Power. The sense of gratitude with which the Jewish people will ever hold in mind the Balfour Declaration is not in the least diminished by that sense of mutual usefulness.


Our attitude to the Arabs of Palestine is determined by the recognition of the plain fact that, even after we shall have succeeded in creating a Jewish majority, there will always remain in the country a very large Arab minority. A moral or material decline of such an important portion of the population would mean the decline of the country as a whole. The political, economic and cultural welfare of the Arabs will, therefore, remain for all eternity one of the principal conditions of the welfare of Eretz-Israel. The future Jewish State must, lest it perish, be based on absolute equality-in-law for all the inhabitants, for both the principal races, for both languages and for all religious communities. National self-administration of all peoples in religious, communal and educational matters, as well as scrupulous fairness of political representation must be the mainstays of the constitution of future Palestine. It is our proud belief that in that way the Jewish People will ultimately succeed in achieving reconciliation with the Arabs both within Palestine and without.

But we deem it a dangerous lie to pretend that such reconciliation is already an accomplished fact. The Arab attitude in Palestine is at present frankly opposed to the creation of a Jewish majority in the country, and it is obvious that the Arabs will continue, for some considerable time to fight against Zionism by every means in their power: at times in a milder, at times in a stronger way,– sometimes by peaceful means and sometimes other-wise–right up to the time when the Jewish majority will become a reality. Then only will true reconciliation begin. It would be futile and foolish of as to shut our eyes to this attitude. We Revisionists look facts in the face, and wish to be prepared against any event. With the most sincere goodwill towards the great Arab People, we trust and believe that the transformation of Palestine into a Jewish State will be a consummation of the highest justice and that therefore all opposition to this process is morally wrong and unjust. It is impossible to compromise with wrong or to make concessions to wrong, especially as in this matter, in the creation of a majority, there is actually no room for any concession. Wrong can only be opposed; opposed with peaceful means so long as it does not express itself in violence, with other means if it does attempt to break the peace of the country.


We consider the class-struggle within Palestine Jewry as a fact both inevitable and healthy. We note with satisfaction that in Palestine that struggle expresses itself not in a fight for power–as is the case elsewhere–but rather in the competitive creation of new values, where the working man brings forth Kevuzoth and cooperative trade associations and the middle classes build private enterprise. It may be the fashion today to take up a "strong" attitude for or against one or the other of these two methods of upbuilding. The Revisionists, however, refuse to follow the fashion, and decline on principle to proclaim, with one set, the "bankruptcy of the Kevutzah," or to abuse, with the other set, "the fourth Aliyah"–the bourgeois immigration of 1925. The Activists have only one criterion, and that is the Zionist State-idea. In order to create the Jewish majority every honest form of Jewish energy must be wholeheartedly welcomed, assisted and utilized.

These groups of working men which share our political views are perfectly free to establish Socialist-Revisionist factions; there exist, on the other hand, Activist groups of "bourgeois," or even of "Mizrachi" tendencies. But Revisionism as an Entity is and remains above all class divisions: it is the expression of the pure Jewish State-idea, the preconception of the Jewish state itself.


In the rebuilding of the Jewish Homeland Zionism appeals to the whole Jewish people; every Jew, whoever he be, is called upon not only to give, but also to come and share in our responsibility. But–and that must be quite clearly understood, once and for all–every man may share in the responsibility for that only which he actually contributes. Zionism demands of the Diaspora not money only, but also faith–faith in the Zionist ideal. He who contributes both is called a Zionist, and has a full title to participate in the solution of both the budgetary and the political problems of Palestine. But be who gives his money only whilst openly and honestly declining the confession of Zionist faith, is entitled to a voice on purely practical matters. Political work, the building-up of the Jewish State is the inalienable prerogative of those who believe in the Jewish State and desire it–of Zionists.

The Jewish Agency, the only mouthpiece through which the Zionist movement can communicate officially with the Mandatory Power and the League of Nations, must remain a prerogative of true Zionist Non-Zionists, even Assimilationists, who join as in helping to establish new settlements, need by no means be debarred from joining us in our deliberations. The scope of the Zionist Congress may be extended, its franchise granted to any Jew, whatever his political creed, who annually shares in the upbuilding of Palestine: no Zionist would shrink from such an extension, for we are continued that in any democratic vote on matters concerning Palestine the masses will follow the Zionist land. There would be no objection even to a ### under which such a Congress should always include in the Jewish Agency a fair proportion of non-partisans, provided the whole Agency is elected by the Zionist Congress, is responsible to it, and can at any time be reversed and replaced by democratic vote. For Jewish democracy is a Zionist democracy, and to it–but to it only–may the destinies of the Jewish future be safely entrusted.


The official schedule of the Palestine budget for the year ending March 81. 1926, has been published in the "Official Gazette." the Palestine Government organ. The schedule and the ordinance relating thereto follow:

An Ordinance to appropriate a sum not exceeding LE2,166.601 for the service of the twelve months ending the 31st day of March, 1926.

Whereas it is necessary to make provision for the expenses of the Government of Palestine for the year ending the 31st day of March, 1926.

Be it enacted by the High Commissioner for Palestine, with the advice of the Advisory Council thereof:-

1. This Ordinance may be cited as the Appropriation (1925–26) Ordinance, 1926.

2. There shall be issued and applied to the twelve months ending the 31st day of March, 1926, any sum not exceeding the sum of LE.2.166,601 for defraying the charges of the Government of Palestine for such period.

3. A sum not exceeding the amount set down under each head of the Schedule hereto may be issued and spent in respect of the establishment or service specified and referred to therein.


1. Pensions 18,250

2. Public Debt and Loan Charges 223,000

3. His Excellency the High Commissioner 9,620

4. Secretariat 26,884

5. District Administration 97,479

6. Legal Department 8,825

7. Judicial Department 67,215

8. Treasury 18,131

9. Audit Department 8,019

10. Customs, Excise and Trade 43,412

11. Health Department 81,481

12. Education Department 100,511

13. Agriculture and Forests 38,###

14. Antiquities Department 5,910

15. Land Department 16,790

16. Survey Department 10,###

17. Police and Prisons 211,416

18. Gendarmeric (Palestine ###) ###

>19. Gendarmeric (British ###) ###

20. Ports, Telegraphs and Telephone ###

21. Public Works Department ###

22. Public Works ### ###

23. Railways ###

24. Miscellanous ###

25. Posts, Telegraphs and Telephones ### ###

26. Public Works ### ###

27. Railways ### ###

Total ###