Behind the Headlines Argentina and Israel

At the United Nations, Argentina’s position on Arab-Israeli issues is practically a foregone conclusion. Studied neutrality is the driving force of Argentine foreign policy, notwithstanding its obvious Western orientation, and neither Israel nor the Arab states are particularly pleased by its stance.

Pragmatic even-handedness has been the leitmotif of Argentina’s policy for many years. Membership in the non-aligned movement underlines its propensity for neutrality. In Latin America, Buenos Aires has one of the most independent foreign policies, despite the fervent anti-Communism of its leaders. And this tendency to play both sides of the fence is clearly reflected in Argentina’s position vis-a-vis the Arab-Israeli conflict at the UN.

PLAYING BOTH SIDES OF THE FENCE

In 1947, Argentina abstained on the Palestine partition plan. Yet the Argentines quickly recognized Israel and opened an embassy in Tel Aviv.

*Immediately after the Six Day War, Argentina opposed Arab and Soviet efforts to force Israel from the occupied territories. Yet the Argentines favor resolution 242, which calls for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from occupied lands.

* Argentina did not support Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights, but it was against a related motion endorsing voluntary sanctions against Israel.

* Argentina, which abstained on the 1975 resolution equating Zionism with racism, does not recognize the PLO. But Argentina, one high-leve Foreign Ministry spokesman told me, regards the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinians. Argentina has not expressed an opinion on the merits of a Palestinian state, he said, but it thinks the Palestinians are entitled to self-determination.

SUPPORTS CAMP DAVID PROCESS

The Palestinian problem, he added, constitute the core of the Arab-Israeli dispute. “If you solve it, you solve everything. ” He went on to say that Argentina fully supports the Camp David process as “the only game in town” at the present. He dis agreed with the assessment that it is a spent force.

Asked why Argentina choose to remain in the non-aligned movement, the official replied: “We have an affinity with the problems of the less developed countries, though we’re pro-Western. We’re south, not north.”

Juan Peron, the late President, brought Argentina into the movement after the Yom Kippur War, ostensibly to gain votes for Argentina’s dispute with Britain over the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands, and to attract Arab petrodollars.

Israelis in Buenos Aires contend that Argentine membership in the movement has somewhat diminished Argentina’s support of Israel at the UN. But a senior Argentine diplomat, a former Ambassador to Israel, disagreed with that notion. As he put it: “We have maintained our balanced position toward the Middle East. Two principles guide our policy: The first is Israel’s inviolate right to exist as a free and independent nation. The second is the right of the Palestinians to live in their own homeland”

Jewish community leaders here are not happy about Argentina’s relationship with the non-aligned movement.

Elias Zivklich, president of B’nai B’rith, called it “an instrument of Soviet policy and penetration,” and he urged Argentina to leave it. Mario Gorenstein, president of DAIA — the representative body of Argentina Jewry — said he doubted this would happen. Emilio Perina, a Jewish lawyer who has good contacts in government, said Argentina would retain its membership as long as its economy was in a shambles.

CORDIAL BILATERAL RELATIONS

Argentine non-alignment notwithstanding, Israel and Argentina have cordial bilateral relations. Israel’s main supplier of meat, Argentina also sells Israel cereal products and leather goods. Israel exports electronic and medical equipment, textiles, chemicals — and weaponry.

Although Israeli trade with Argentina is not significant, Argentina is one of Israel’s best customers or military equipment. In the late 1970s, when the U.S. imposed an arms embargo against the junta, Israel stepped in and sold the generals an estimated 26 Dagger jets (a modified version of the Mirage), four Dabur patrol boats, Gabriel ship-to-ship missiles and Shafrir air-to-air missiles.

“Argentina was looking for suppliers after President Carter slapped the embargo on us,” explained a businessman well versed in the field. “Israel had always tried to penetrate the Argentine market, and the government gave it a chance.” Israeli sources in Buenos Aires are loath to discuss the matter.

Apparently, Argentina is satisfied with Israeli equipment. “I’ve heard many officers say beautiful things about Israel,” one authoritative source said. “The pilots are impressed with the Dagger, and they have admiration for Israeli flyers.”

Despite such sentiment, Israel has to work hard to maintain its fairly positive image in Argentina. “There is not general or automatic approval of our policies,” an Israeli source said.

FRIENDS AND ENEMIES

Israel has friends in Argentina, but enemies as well. Argentina is home to one or two million Arabs, mainly of Lebanese Christian descent. And while they are not as volubly committed to the Arab cause as Jews are to Israel, they remain a potential reservoir of anti-Israel sentiment. In the armed forces, officers who received combat training in Nazi Germany are resolutely anti-Israel.

Some politicians, notably on the extreme left and right, have no love for Israel. The landed gentry, and elements within the Catholic church, generally don’t like Israel. Sectors of the ethnic German community are anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist.

Argentina, which is self-sufficient in oil, has good relations with the Arab world. “We don’t have a very big trade with the Arabs, but we’re trying to improve it,” said an Argentina diplomat. In the mid-1970s, Argentina began a drive to increase trade with the Arabs and to induce them to invest money in Argentina industry and commerce. According to an Israeli source, the drive has yet to pay dividends.