Behind the Headlines: Histadrut Leader Claims Victory After Carefully Structured Strike

The banks were closed — but Israelis could still get cash.

The Histadrut labor federation, which engineered one of the longest general strikes in Israeli history, made sure that bank employees could continue replenishing automatic teller machines.

That approach — to limit the average Israeli’s hardship — seemed to be at the core of the Histadrut’s strategy to retain public support for its confrontation with the Netanyahu government.

During the walkout by some 700,000 public sector workers, bread and other staples were readily available, public transportation and most schools operated as usual, gas stations did not run out of fuel and no power failures occurred.

In the end, the biggest impact of the five-day strike was felt by those Israelis stranded abroad as well as foreign visitors trying to arrive or depart.

One such casualty was a Jewish Agency for Israel mission of some 100 top federation leaders across North America. The mission was slated to depart for Israel on Saturday night, but was postponed until early next year.

The strike, which ended Sunday night, had been called to protest the Netanyahu government’s refusal to honor a pension agreement signed with the previous Labor government.

Both sides agreed on a compromise offered by the president of the national labor court.

While the daily routine of most Israelis was hardly interrupted, the strike, which ground Israel’s economy to a near halt, affected the nation’s airports, banks, rail services, hospitals, government offices and state-owned industries.

An estimated 15,000 Israelis were stuck in airports overseas, unable to return home because Ben-Gurion Airport was shut down.

Yael, a passenger at London’s Gatwick Airport, told Israel Radio that among the 300 waiting passengers was a boy suffering from cancer who needed urgent treatment in Israel.

“This is absolutely crazy,” complained Yael. “Our children are waiting in Israel thinking we will never come back. We haven’t seen daylight for four days, people haven’t taken a shower for days.”

Others reported that they had run out of money and could not even buy food or drinks.

Some passengers made their way back home in roundabout ways, such as flying to Amman, Jordan, and then crossing the border to Israel at the Allenby bridge.

As flights renewed Sunday night, some 30,000 outgoing passengers crowded inside the terminal at Ben-Gurion.

“There has been irreversible damage, to exports, tourism and Israel’s image abroad,” Finance Minister Ya’acov Ne’eman told reporters Sunday.

But the damage to the economy, estimated by Israel’s manufacturers association at some $60 million, could not be immediately perceived by the average Israeli.

This may explain why Histadrut chairman Amir Peretz was able to declare “total victory.”

The public did not like the strike, but was not angry enough to oppose it because Israelis generally did not suffer.

“Don’t blame the workers, blame the government,” Peretz declared.

But there was a calculated risk in allowing the strike to go on, and Sunday’s agreement came just before the breaking point.

Had the strike continued, tempers could have flared.

Indeed, on the last day of the strike, protesting workers and police clashed outside the National Labor Court in Jerusalem as the court’s president tried to work out a compromise.

Bus drivers joined the strike, causing many delays in public transportation. There were not enough buses to serve thousands of soldiers on their way back to the army after a weekend at home.

And telephone services were shut down for hours on Sunday.

Meanwhile, garbage piles were growing, particularly in Tel Aviv, which already had endured a separate two-week old sanitation workers’ strike.

Questions lingered about the Histadrut’s actions in the strike’s aftermath, with some observers suggesting that Peretz orchestrated the confrontation with the government in order to advance his own political career.

Indeed, on the first day of the strike, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called the action a “political strike,” telling reporters that he had no idea why the Histadrut called it.

The strike was triggered in part by remarks made by Ne’eman, who, referring to union activists, said, “We don’t need enemies from outside.

“We have among us bombs,” the finance minister added, “homemade, exploding bombs.”

Although Ne’eman later apologized, saying his remarks had been misunderstood, the apology was rejected by Peretz, and the Histadrut printed stickers reading, “I’m a bomb made by Ne’eman.”

The strike came as the government nears completion of its 1998 budget. A year ago, the Histadrut called similar strikes, but those walkouts lasted hours rather than days.

Now, Peretz appeared to be flexing his political muscle to increase his chances for reelection next year by demonstrating that the Histadrut, once a bastion of the Labor Party, could still wield considerable influence.

But to many supporters of Netanyahu’s Likud Party, the Histadrut is still seen as an arm of the Labor Party.

“This is not only a confrontation between the Histadrut and the government,” said Ya’acov Bruchin of Bnei Brak. “It is also Labor’s pathetic attempt to return to power.”