Books

Calvin B. Hoover is primarily an economist. What he may lack in charm as a writer he makes with the authority and completeness of his background. In repoting events of the preesnt he has the capacity to relate them to the economic and political past. Of this character was his book, “The Economic Life of Soviet Russia”, and now he gives us “Germany Enters the Third Reich”, which the Macmillan Company has just issued.

To begin with Mr. Hoover summarizes the economic system which obtained in Germany up to the rise in power of the National Socialists, and the relation to that system of the various classes, proletariat, peasants and junkers, the middle class, the students and the industrialists, pointing out the various ways in which the post-war period had modified the absolute position of each of these classes and their economic relation one to the other. He makes plain to us the motives for revolution with which post-war conditions had supplied the middle class and the students, the exploitation of which motives of discontent was the chief weapon in the armory of National Socialism. His subsequent chapters consider the collapse of Marxian Socialism and the end of the Weimar Republic and the eve of the Third Reich.

In a book not written for a day, as is a newspaper, the information with which Mr. Hoover supplies us is most invaluable, but for those who seek the drama of the situation the chapter wherein is desribed the processes by which Hitler came into power over the hacks of Hugenberg and Von Papen is most fascinating. It is amusing in the light of recent events to recall those magazine articles by so-called experts on foreign affairs, wherein Hugenberg and Von Papen were described as the “brains” behind Hitler, the function of which brains it was to squeeze Hitler dry of his popularity and then discard him.

That having taken place which has taken place it is easy, of course, to fall into a contrary error and rationalize the operations of the Hitler strategy in terms of the most subtle Machiavellianism. As Mr. Hoover sees it, “Hitler [on the terms on which he assumed the Chancellorship] held out for the barest minimum which assured him complete power without the necessity for civil war.” The rest of the chapter consists in the manner in which he continued, step by step and sometimes fifteen steps at a time, in taking over the power by the paralysis of opposition. There was even method in allowing Hugenberg to occupy the economic posts, for while he did so it was possible to put upon his shoulders the blame for the lack of action on the economic front—to the radical members of the National Socialist Party.

The general procedure, as the world now recognizes, was to say one thing and do the opposite. The success of the operation was dependent on the apparent sincerity with which you said what you said. It was dependent also on making such impressive displays of power that even allies trembled. Mr. Hoover at this point deserves to be quoted:

“The gigantic celebration of the night of January 30 gave the tone to the weeks which followed. Torchlight processions, holidays for the school children, hoisting of the Hakenkreuz flag on public buildings were the order of the day. In the meantime, reassuring statements were given out by the National Socialist cabinet members. On January 31, Frick declared that there was no intention of declaring the Communist Party illegal or of declaring a state of siege. Assurances were likewise given that there would be no economic experiments or tampering with the currency. Everyone breathed easier. Apparently the Third Reich was to be indeed a tame affair. Hitler was allowing the enthusiasm of his followers to be expressed in parades and flag hoistings while a safe and sane economic policy was assured. Never was the credulity of ‘responsible opinion’ better illustrated. The writer cannot but register his amazement at the extent to which public opinion can be affected by official facts.

“It cannot be denied that the political maneuvers of Hitler during this period were extremely clever, yet his real intentions should have been evident. The extent to which Hitler was able to follow the policy of paralyzing the will of his opponents in all parties and classes during the critical period when the National Socialists were steadily taking over the control of every political and economic function in Germany is well-night incredible. His tactics consisted of issuing reassuring statements always accompanied by threats of what would happen if the will of the National Socialists was opposed. When the desired position had been conquered the previously issued reassuring statement was blandly ignored and a new one issued in reference to the next stage of the progress of the revolution. In these early days of the Hitler government the assurances were not so thickly interlarded with threats as later, but the threats were always present, even then.”

To explain the rise of power from a minority party in the Cabinet to the whole government in the Reich on the basis of strategy alone is not just. That which imposed the will of the Nazis on the other parties was not the threat the Nazis made, but the knowledge that there were Storm Troopers who could, and did, use violence in imposing the will of their party. Mr. Hoover is aware also of the tremendous psychological importance in rallying public opinion to the Hitlerites by what is believed to be the staged burning of the Reichstag by the Nazis. “The writer was never able to find an intellignet foreigner in Berlin who believed that the Communists had really burned the Reichstag building.”

This special matter will be the subject of next week’s review. In the meantime, put “Germany Enters the Third Reich” on your permanent book shelf.