Digest of Public Opinion on Jewish Matters

[The purpose of the Digest is informative: Preference is given to papers not generally accessible to our readers. Quotation does not indicate approval.–Editor.]

This question is discussed by Dr. S. Benderly, Director of the Bureau of Jewish Education of New York, in the March 26 issue of "The Jewish Education News."

Dr. Benderly explains the situation in Palestine by giving a description of the complexion of Palestine Jewry, which he classifies as follows: The Ultra-Orthodox Jews; the Mizrachi: the Socialist groups: the Cultural Nationalists; and the Intermediate groups, which, he says, constitute more than half of the Jewish population, but "are not organized and have no stated program." The writer then gives the following table of the numerical strength of the listed groups (based on an approximate estimate, we are told, in view of the absence of scientific data):

Extreme Orthodox 5,000–4%

Intermediate Orthodox 15,000–12%

Mizrachi 5,000–4%

Intermediate Cultural Religious 60,000–44%

Cultural Nationalist 10,000–8%

Intermediate Cultural Radical 15,000–12%

Socialist 20.000–16%

Total 130,000–100%

On the basis of these facts, which show that the present Jewish population in Palestine is not homogeneous and naturally there is a wide divergence of opinion among the various groups on the subject of education, Dr. Benderly concludes:

"Granted that the school system should be secular and the authority centralized, in what organization should this centralized authority be vested? There are only two possibilities. The authority might be vested in the Palestine Assembly (Assefat Hanivharim) which is composed of representatives of all groups with the exception of the Ultra-Orthodox. The Zionist Organization could then merely turn over its subsidy to the Assembly. The other alternative is to leave the authority with the World Zionist Organization which is primarily a Diaspora organization of Jews interested in Palestine. It is not easy to determine which of these plans would be the better. On the one hand, the principle of self-government would require that the Palestine Assembly should have control over this, the most vital issue affecting the Jewish population of Palestine. On the other hand, there are dangers surrounding such an arrangement at present. The Palestine Assembly, in its present form, is still an experiment. It has as yet not exercised any real authority. The form in which it shall function in the future has yet to be worked out. Until that time comes, there is bound to be considerable division and strife from time to time. Is it safe to entrust the Palestine School System at this, probably the most critical period in its life, to the Palestine Assembly in which the various groups are still manoeuvering for position? The Tel Aviv incident sounds a warning of the danger of the school system becoming the football of community politics. It seems wiser that, whereas in principle, the ultimate control of the school system should pass over into the Palestine Assembly, for the present, the World Zionist Organization, most of whose prominent leaders belong to the Cultural Nationalist Group, ought to continue its control."