The hope that Palestine would become a permanent and integral part of the British Empire was expressed by Mr. James de Rothschild, M. P., when he presided last night at a dinner given by the Anglo-Palestine Club, of which he is President, in honour of Colonel John Buchan, M. P., the Chairman of the Parliamentary Pro-Palestine Committee, and the Parliamentary members of the Club. About 15 members of Parliament attended.
That was the fourth dinner given by the Club, Mr. de Rothschild said. The First was nearly ten years ago in honour of Lord Balfour, their first patron and a British statesman whose Declaration they were honouring that night. The second was given to Dr. Weizmann, who had done more than most people for their cause, and the third to Lord Cecil, who was now their patron and who was closely identified with the work of the League of Nations and the cause of peace, which was dear to the heart of every Jew who was interested in Palestine.
Mr. de Rothschild regretted the absence of Colonel Wedgwood, who was Chairman of the Palestine Committee in the last Parliament. His book, “The Seventh Dominion”, had done much for their cause, he said, but he was glad that Lord Hartington, who had collaborated with him in this enterprise, was with them.
As early as 1917, Mr. de Rothschild proceeded, he had ventured to outline a policy in which Palestine would take its place as one of the Dominions. At that time the policy was not received with the acclaim he expected, because the Mandate had not then been granted. To-day, they had reached a more advanced stage and he felt it was now time to voice this policy again. It was not only a matter of feeling to-day; it was a matter of L. S. D., and that was a matter which appealed at the present time to the whole population of Palestine, Arab as well as Jewish, and it was one which might well unite the Mandated Power with the races which inhabited Palestine at present. The new policy introduced by the present Government was now on the Statute Book, Mr. de Rothschild went on, and it was imperative and urgent that Palestine should be included among those countries which were ranked under the Mandate of Great Britain as forming part of the British Empire.
JEWISH NATIONAL HOME DOES NOT MEAN ONLY UNIVERSITY AND MORAL CENTRE PUT BRINGING BACK INTO EXISTENCE BODY POLITIC WHICH EXISTED THERE BEFORE MR. DE ROTHSCHILD SAYS
They were concerned in building up a National Home, Mr. de Rothschild emphasised, and that did mean “nation” it was no use blinking at that fact. The idea of the Jewish National Home did not mean only that the Jews would be able to go to Palestine and create there a University and a moral centre of their own. It meant a great deal more than that. The legislators who framed the Mandate put in the words “reconstitute the National Home”. It meant bringing back into existence the body politic which existed there before. He did not mean to say that they were looking forward to one like that which was described in the Bible, but it did mean that the Jews would be able to recreate their own institutions, morals, education and methods of life.
He was sorry, Mr. de Rothschild said, that there were a number of Zionists who had seceded from the main Zionist group under the name of Revisionists, who demanded that Great Britain should be made to give up the Mandate in Palestine. They were disappointed with what had been done, and with what the British Government had failed to do, and with the reports that had been issued. They were, too, apprehensive of what the next report would contain, and were urging in their speeches that Britain should give up the Mandate. There was nothing he would deplore more than that. They were not concerned with the misdeeds of a Governor of a province or town. They were not concerned even about the lack of security for Jewish people. What they required was that Great Britain should take them really under its wing.
MORE UNANIMITY IN FAVOUR OF ZIONISM IN THIS HOUSE OF COMMONS THAN IN ANY OTHER PARLIAMENT COLONEL JOHN BUCHAN M. P. SAYS: PALESTINE OF EXTREME IMPORTANCE TO BRITISH EMPIRE: THEIR POINT OF VIEW NOT PRO-JEWISH OR PRO-ARAB BUT PRO-BRITISH
In the new House of Commons, Colonel Buchan declared in his speech, they had almost complete unanimity of opinion upon the question of Zionism, certainly more than there had been in any other Parliament. He was speaking on behalf of their Committee in the House of Commons, he said, and what he wished to say would embody the point of view of the British members and their attitude towards the Jewish ideal.
As he saw it, Zionism meant two things. In the first place, it was an obligation of honour upon Great Britain, not of prestige, which was a much smaller thing. In the second place, he regarded it as a policy of the most extreme importance to the British Empire. This point of view was not pro–Jewish any more than it was pro–Arab. It was pro-British.
MUST BE NO ARTIFICIAL BARRIERS TO RETURN OF JEWISH PEOPLE: FUNDAMENTAL POINT ON WHICH THERE COULD BE NO GOING BACK
Zionism, the National Home, did not depend so much upon the question of territory as on the fact that it created the opportunity for the development of the Jewish genius, Colonel Buchan went on. Its essence was not quantitative but qualitative. Since it was to be for the whole Jewish race, there must therefore be no obstacle to Jewish immigration, except that which was due to the economic capacities
of the land. There must be no artificial barriers to the return of the Jewish people. That was a fundamental point on which there could be no going back. The official hierachy both in Palestine and in London had not always been wholly true to that ideal. Too often, the official policy had been negative rather than positive and passive rather than constructive. There were a good many reasons for that. The ordinary British official was accustomed to the Moslem peasant. The returning Jew came often from the big cities. He was quick-witted. He had a great gift for arguing. Could they, therefore, altogether blame the British officials for having a slight bias against these voluble immigrants? This bias was natural, but it needed careful watching and it had got to be sternly suppressed.
He believed, Colonel Buchan said, that the new High Commissioner was most alive to the obligations of British honour and most resolute in his determination to meet them to the full.
PALESTINE KEYPOINT IN STRATEGY OF NEAR EAST: SAFETY OF SUEZ CANAL AND WHOLE OF BRITAIN {SPAN}##{/SPAN} POSITION IN NEAR EAST LARGELY DEPEND ON PROSPEROUS AND SECURE PALESTINE: IF ZIONISM DID NOT EXIST BRITAIN WOULD HAVE TO HAVE WATCHFUL GUARD OVER PALESTINE
Then there was the question of policy, Colonel Buchan said. Palestine was the keypoint in the only military road between the Canal and the North, the keypoint in the strategy of the Near East. It was important in the days of the Pharoahs, in the time of the Assyrians, in the days of Alexander and in the time of the time of the Caesars. And now that the Suez Canal was constructed, it was far more important to-day. Upon a prosperous and secure Palestine largely depended the safety of the Canal and the whole of Britain’s position in the Near East. If Zionism did not exist, Britain would still have to have the most watchful guard over Palestine. Britain had in the Jew the most efficient collaborator. He was {SPAN}#{/SPAN} link between the East and the West. He could make Palestine a nation. He brought to it quick wits and wide culture, a genius for organisation and an astonishing capacity for making himself at home in new conditions. He was the born collaborator of Great Britain in the Near East.
ALTHOUGH PRESENT PARLIAMENT CONTAINS CONCENSUS OF OPINION IN FAVOUR OF JEWISH AIMS IN PALESTINE SUCH AS NO PREVIOUS PARLIAMENT CONTAINED SPIRIT HAS NOT YET PERMEATED OFFICIAL ADMINISTRATORS OF COUNTRY CAPTAIN ROBERT SOLOMON COMPLAINS: WHATEVER WAS MEANING OF PALESTINE MANDATE IT WAS NOT THAT JEWS SHOULD BE LEAST FAVOURED NATION IN THAT LAND
Captain R. B. solomon said that he received letters from Palestine by every mail, from which he was able to judge that although the present Parliament contained a consensus of opinion in favour of Jewish aims and endeavours in Palestine such as no previous Parliament had contained, yet the spirit had not yet permeated the official administrators of the country. He agreed that the Jews were not an easy people to govern. They were full of the examples of the stubborness of their predecessors, but that was because they knew what they wanted, and they meant to get what they wanted. There were 15 million
Jews to whom the Balfour Declaration came as a clarion call, as a hope and a delivery, and those Jews were watching day by day and year by year for the fulfilment of what no person would deny in honesty was the meaning of that Declaration.
He believed it would be nothing short of a calamity if Britain gave up the Mandate in Palestine, Captain Solomon said, but he believed the policy would be carried on because he knew and had faith in the British people. Whatever was the meaning of the Mandate for Palestine, it certainly was not that the Jews should be the least favoured nation in that land. He appealed to the legislators off Britain to bring pressure to bear upon those responsible for the administration of the laws of Palestine and to try to convince the world of Jewry that the British nation was going to be faithful to its charge.
IMAGINE PALESTINE WITHOUT ITS 180,000, JEWS AND IMAGINE WHAT IT WOULD BE TO-DAY EVEN AFTER TWELVE YEARS OF BRITISH OCCUPATION SAYS HAJOR NATHAN M.P.: JEWISH PEOPLE NEED NOT BE ASHAMED OF THEIR EFFORTS: IF PALESTINE COSTS BRITISH TAXPAYER NOT A PENNY ONE REASON IS WHAT JEWISH PEOPLE HAVE DONE IN PALESTINE
I agree, said Major H. L. Nathan, M.P., that world Jewry would rather see the Palestine Mandate entrusted to Great Britain, retained by Great Britain, than held by any other country in the world. Recalling the difficulties and perils through which we have so recently passed, are indeed still passing, we cannot forget that other countries also have passed through similar difficulties, and that in these other countries in times of stress and hardship antisemitism has come to the fore, which in accordance with the fine tradition of the fore, which in accordance with the fine tradition of this country have been completely absent in every sphere of our public and private life. Here in England, Jewry enjoys a freedom, a liberty and above all, position of equality that augurs well for that permanent connection of which Palestine is the symbol.
We must not overlook the fact that Jewry has made its own substantial contribution to the upbuilding of Palestine, Major Nathan went on, and has been a considerable element in assisting the Mandatory Power in fulfilling its obligations. Imagine Palestine without its 180,000 Jews, imagine what it would be to-day, even after twelve years of British occupation, if you take away from it all those lands which have been reclaimed by Jewish labour, all those industries which have been built up by Jewish effort, all those new cultural and spiritual values which to-day are having an affect not only upon the mind of the population of Palestine, but are beginning even to penetrate through civilisation at large.
I do not think the Jewish people need be ashamed of their efforts since 1917, he said. If Palestine costs the British taxpayer not a penny, if Haifa can be a great British harbour of the Mediterranean, if we can get a great oil pipe-line and a great railway on the highways connecting the outlying portions of the British Empire, I think there are two causes to which they can be attributed (1) what the Jewish people have done in Palestine to create a basis for its commercial, agricultural and industrial development, (2) what Britain has done to maintain law and order in the land and to bring the pax Britannica with all it stands for as a ruling spirit in the country.
SLOWNESS OF BRITISH GOVERNMENT IN GOING ABOUT REALISATION OF IDEA OF NATIONAL HOME BEEN A SERIOUS DISAPPOINTMENT HON. R. D. DENMAN M. P. SAYS: LAST PARLIAMENT WAS A TRAGEDY: WE MUST ALLOW IMMIGRATION AND LAND PURCHASE
The real question is how we House of Commons members of the Pro-Palestine Committee can best assist the cause, the Hon. R. D. Denman, M.P. said. It is perfectly true, he pursued, that to us in the House the slowness of the British Government in going about the realisation of the idea of the National Home has been a serous disappointment The last Parliament was almost a tragedy. This Parliament is especially favourable to the Zionist cause. Even in the last Parliament, it was Parliament itself that did much to retrieve the errors of the Government. In the debate that your committee carried through we killed the White Paper, and certainly relaid the foundations. We have not yet had time to get under way, being a slow-moving race. There has been the very important fact that a new High Commissioner would require time to get his balance. No one wanted to hustle him to premature action. I hope the time is coming when we shall again be able to raise this subject in the House of Commons, not in any spirit of hostility, but to show it is a living issue on which we feel very strongly. We must allow immigration, we must allow purchase of land, Mr. Denman declared. We believe the policy is capable of practical fulfilment. If you will give us your good will and assistance and encouragement, we shall bring it to a more favourable issue.
OFFICIAL ARAB OPINION HAD BEEN CONCILIATED BY PROMISE OF ARAB KINGDOM IN SYRIA SAYS MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON: WAS MUCH FOR WORSE THAT PROMISE WAS NOT REDEEMED: IF IT HAD WE WOULD NOT HAVE HAD DIFFIOULTIES WITH ARABS IN REGARD TO JEWISH HOME IN PALESTINE
Every Englishman should be interested in Palestine, the Marquess of Hartington, M.P. said. One reason is that it must be to the interests of England to have a secure, a stable and a national Goverment established in Palestine. Another reason is that England must honour her bond. We have given our bond and we must stand by that. The third reason is that the Jewish race had done more for mankind in general and England in particular. Many years ago I was privileged to have something to do with Dr. Weizmann. Since then England in my view made a great mistake. I thought at the Peace Conference that we had got this question fairly well settled. One knew there would be some difficulty with the Arabs. We had made a promise in regard to the northern party of the country. Official Arab opinion had been conciliated by the promise that they should have their own kingdom in Syria. I believe it was very much for the worse that promise was not redeemed. If it had been we would not have had the great difficulties we have since had with the Arabs in regard to the Jewish National Home in Palestine. There are bound to be immense further difficulties. For that reason I almost pestered my good friend Janner to be made joint honorary secretary with him of the Palestine Parliamentary Committee. The time may come when it may be a help to have someone in the House of Commons in that capacity who is not a Jew.
IMPORTANT BRITISH PEOPLE AND JEW SHOULD WORK TOGETHER FOR FULL DEVELOPMENT OF JEWISH NATIONAL HOME SAYS MR. JANNER JANNER. M.P.
Many of us have felt very bitter regret at different times, Mr. Barnett Janner, M.P. said. Many of us have realised that world Jewry has felt keen and serious disappointment. Some of the steps that have been taken appear to have little explanation, very little in the way of reasonable excuse. I feel to-day that the opportunity has arisen when this expression of ours can be heard by sympathetic and understanding hearts. The Jew does not want for his national ideal anything in the way of great possessions. He wants a centre where he can build and show the world that the misunderstanding that has existed for so many years about the Jewish spirit can be cleared up and so that he is prepared to toil hard, to build, create, so that his national genius may once again emanate from that land to all the corners of the earth. In my view it is important that the British people and the Jew should work as far as the full and final development of the Jewish National Home is concerned in perfect harmony.
REGRETTABLE TO THINK FULFILLING OF UNDERTAKINGS MADE IN PREMIER’S LETTER STILL WAITING SAYS MR. D’AVIGDOR GOLDSMID WE ARE LOYAL CITIZENS: NOTHING CONTRADICTORY IN BEING GOOD BRITISH CITIZEN GOOD JEW AND READY TO WORK FOR DEVELOPMENT OF JEWISH NATIONAL HOME
A year ago the Prime Minister’s letter gave us renewed hope of the possibility of affecting a co-operation with the Administration here and in Palestine, Mr. O. E. d’Avigdor Goldsmid, the Chairman of the Council of the Jewish Agency, said. It is regrettable to think that the fulfilling of the undertakings contained in that famous letter are still waiting. But we do realise that there has been a change in the Government. We rely upon the sympathy and good will of the new Colonial Secretary, and the sense of justice and fairness which he and the new High Commissioner both have. What is essential to Palestine is a peaceful, loyal and contented population which will develop the country. From the economic point of view is there any doubt as to which section of the population will contribute mostly?
We are loyal citizens of the British Empire, Mr. Goldsmid said. I believe in being a good British citizen and a good Jew, and at the same time one who is ready to work for the development of the Jewish National Home. They are not contradictory.
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