Hitler Declared Stronger Now Than Before

Noted European Correspondent

Germany’s withdrawal from the League of Nations has not made the slightest change in the situation of world politics, I dare to assert in contradiction to the usual run of editorial comment. On the contrary, it has in certain respects cleared up the situation as did Japan’s withdrawal from the League a year ago. At that time, too, every sensible person knew that Japan would not be in the least concerned about the opinions and decisions of the League of Nations, but would act according to the principle: “If the League of Nations is of one mind with me, I shall do what the League of Nations demands; but if the League of Nations has other views, I shall do as I please.” In this case it was similarly easy for every person to forecast Germany’s attitude. If the League of Nations had granted armaments, Hitler would have stayed there; when the League of Nations rejected them, Hitler armed nevertheless, troubling less about this parliament than he had about that other parliament of babblers in Berlin. He does as he pleases.

This is the situation, in all its bareness, which exists in Central Europe. Nothing would be more fatal than to have the Jews of America or of Europe misunderstand it. And nothing would be more dangerous than for them to believe that the Nazi regime will break up today or tomorrow. I was, I believe, one of the first Jews to predict, as long ago as 1930, when I was conducting an election campaign in Palestine, that Hitler’s victory was inevitable, and I also predicted that once Hitler took the helm he would be troubled by neither France nor Germany.

HITLER’S VICTORIES

Today it is clear to all that the Hitler government will remain at the helm for years to come, unless Hitler commits great and irresponsible stupidities in the field of foreign politics. The possibilities of this are very slight, Let us not delude ourselves: up to the present he has not only committed any stupidities, but has come away with victory after victory. He has gagged the Communists in Germany—but he gave Soviet Russia an extension of credit and continues on good terms with that state. He had the leaders of the German Catholic party imprisoned. The former minister of the Catholic centrists. Dr. Hirtziefer, was stretched flat in a public square in Eessen by storm troopers who then forced an open umbrella into his hand, indicating that he did not deserve to have the sun shine upon him and that he “had butter upon his head” A sign reading “I am a scoundrel” was hung about his neck, and he was paraded thus through the streets of the city. While the most distinguished leaders of the Papal party were being treated in this fashion, Hitler succeeded in closing a concordat with the Pope to the effect that—to the world’s great surprise—the Catholics in Germany relinquished all rights to carry on politics of their own.

This, which must have come as a complete surprise to every person who could not look the truth in the face, was perhaps Hitler’s greatest victory. The truth was that the hands of the Pope were tied. Hitler (who is himself a Catholic) is certainly to be credited with having founded, under stress, a “German church” and with having forced the Catholic Nazis to withdraw from the Catholic church. It was more than doubtful that the Roman church would be able to parry such a blow. It is needless to add that the much-ballyhooed “external political isolation” of Germany, of which the optimists in the Jewish camp wrote so much, has not occurred. The relations of Germany to Italy are more cordial than ever before, and although Mussolini carries on the most active politics in all of Europe today, while France, Italy and Poland have been crowded into the defensive, it is said that Hitler has a strong ally in the south who while not joining in every blunder, is happy that Europe’s fear of the again aggressive Germany gives it the opportunity to appear as arbitrator between Germany and France—a role which satisfies the very heart of Italy’s vanity. England was eliminated the very first day by MacDonald’s disastrous politics: in any case the bank of England has but one worry—to keep up the German Reichsmark in order to prevent German dumping—and thus England too has become indirectly, an ally of Hitler’s.

AMERICA, THE GREAT LENDER

And America? America, which by one stroke of the pen could bring an end to all the Nazi frenzy? America, at whose word all Europe joined for the protection of democracy in Germany, for whose salvation America ostensibly entered the World War when Germany still had a parliament, still had freedom of assembly, still had freedom of the press, still had equal rights for the Jews, still had protection of private property—all things which no longer exist in the new Germany of today! America, quite simply, is concerned about the great loans which were granted Germany. It believes, perhaps, that it will be able to salvage some interest, instead of realizing that this money is completely and forever lost. The Germans have learned a lesson from world history. They know very well that America became an ally of England because England was in great debt to America.

In order to save her loans America had to force England’s victory with arms and so Germany took recourse to the same simple means. Germany became so greatly indebted to America and England that she is forcing both these states to take part in Germany’s politics in order to save the loans which both countries made to Germany. Whether even ten per cent of this money will ever be paid back is another story. So long as Germany does not pay, every creditor will make an effort to meet her half way. Once she has paid, no one will have any further interest in her. Hitler’s last great victory, the consequences of which are not yet fully known, was the victory over the Jews which Hitler won at the Zionist Congress in Prague.

A PEACE WITH HITLER

The Jewish boycott would have been one of the most formidable of weapons. With the boycott of the Socialists and that of all the friends of democracy in the world it could have hurt Germany’s industry so that two things might have resulted: first, the growing bitterness of those industrial circles which heretofore have been financing Hitler and, second, the impossibility of procuring the raw materials which are necessary for the rehabilitation of Germany. In inconceivable delusion the Zionists in Prague betrayed the cause of liberty. For a lentil pottage of three million marks of transfer money, which might have been obtained in some other fashion, the Jewish Social Democrats have made their peace with Hitler. They could not thus have substantially weakened the boycott front, but they missed the opportunity to make a gigantic thing of it and to make the Zionist Organization a political factor in international life.

Let us take a glance at the internal situation in Germany, in the attempt to guess the future there from. Economically it has grown much worse in the ten months since Hitler’s entrance into the government. But it would be fallacious to build the hope of his early downfall upon this.

According to the reports which I have received about various industries, it may be said by and large that the market has receded ten percent, while the cost of living at the same time has risen ten percent. The taxes, which Hitler promised to lower were not lowered but, on the contrary, raised. The commodity exchange taxes, which formerly amounted to two percent and which von Papen lowered to one and a half percent were raised to two percent again by Hitler; small new taxes were added, as, for example, the “affiliation tax” for every enterprise which had branch stores, and similar others. The social burdens also remained unchanged. This naturally oppressed the German manufacturers, but no one has the courage to complain.

PRESSURE HEAVIER

The condition of the small employees and workers is especially grave. Yesterday there was only a wage reduction of 10 percent, but today because of the innumerable national-socialistic collections and funds, the financial pressure upon the worker is much heavier. I have read in various anti-Fascist newspapers that these various contributions aggregate about ten percent of the wages of the German worker. It is not likely that such a percentage could be obtained even from poorly paid workers without pressure being applied. But let us take a concrete example: a reasonably highly paid stenographer to a manufacturer in northern Germany receives a monthly wage of 250 marks. Of this amount she gives 55 marks for taxes and “voluntarily monthly return contributions” and social duties. These contributions must be counted, just as in Soviet Russia the workers in government shops must sign loans. In this fashion it follows that along with an increased cost of living there is a tangible sinking of the return value of the real loans and a lessening of purchasing power, which already is taking place. But it would be wrong to believe that on this point bitterness exists in Germany. The unprecedented propaganda, which recurs day after day, has shown a readiness to sacrifice which is reminiscent of the days of 1914. The contributions must be made, but the great majority finds this requirement just and rebels less against it than it did against the previous smaller taxes. A wave of willingness to sacrifice possesses Germany which it would be dangerous to misunderstand.

AT MOST NINE MONTHS

How long this wave will last is another matter. As I know the Germans, six months, eight months, nine months more and the psychological fatigue which in such cases must always come will set in. But in the meantime it is still there, the nation feels unified, a nation of brothers, and Goebbels’ plan for winter relief with the obligatory one-dish Sunday dinner, which seems so ludicrous and childish to modern individuals has found a fruitful soil in Germany. Goebbels has ordered that instead of the usual Sunday roast every German must, once a month, eat a dinner consisting of but a single course, and the money saved by this will be collected by the storm troopers. For everyone acquainted with history the unreasonableness of a “contribution” of this sort is clear—it burdens the worker, who will then have his dinners on Monday instead of Sunday. Despite this, when we consider that there are 16 million German households and that in this manner over a mark a month on the average comes in, it can be seen that Hitler receives alone a round ten million marks a month, which is enough for the maintenance of 60,000 unemployed, who do forced labor.

We would make the same mistake made by other opponents of the new Germany if we were to judge these ideas of Goebbels’ only on the strength of their material worth. One course dinners — 10,000,000 marks. The mystery of the success of the Nazis thus far lies in something quite different — in the symbolic. The worker is actually more satisfied when the tax which is imposed upon him unites him in spirit with his bread-giver, than when it was a sober contribution of such and such percent of his weekly wage. In this example we see already one of the great mysteries of the Hitler movement: it spares the inferiority feelings of the great masses of the people, at the same time satisfying the need of these people for showing off. The revolution of the Nazis was actually a revolution: for the first time in the history of Germany the rule of the officials, also of the trade union officials and of the intellectuals, was dethroned.

INTELLECTUAL MUST TOIL

Hitler does not tire of repeating that the intellectuals will have to become laborers and are not in any way better than the manual workers, a word which the Germans also heard in the days of the revolution of 1918. But while at that time the revolutionary spirit found expression in material advantages for the proletariat, and the washer-woman was better paid than the privy councillor, the spiritual stratification of the German remained unchanged. The Herr Hofrat or ministerial director remained in spite of poor pay the intellectual, and the manual laborer remained, despite passing good income, the less important class. Hitler was much more cleverer. He gave the proletariat no better wages; on the contrary, he imposed sacrifices upon it. But he gave it also the feeling of spiritual equal rights with the burghers, with the intellectuals.

Outside of Germany fun is being made of the fact that the young teachers, judges, theologians, instead of studying Latin, have been stuck into work camps. But actually the German proletarian is being shown by these work camps that Hitler is humbling the intellectuals, is making them work with their hands as is any unemployed man. And thus Hitler creates for himself the sympathies of the broad mass of the people. He is the man of the people, for he has brought the intellectuals, the student corps, the judges and the doctors into the labor camps. And this has a greater and stronger moral effect than if he had actually conquered unemployment which the Germans do not at all believe he could lessen. And these sympathies which Hitler has created for himself in this manner are extraordinarily great. The German people is thankful to him for having suppressed the parties, since these parties, as a result of the unfortunate election laws, named their representatives without having the slightest contact with the masses. Now too they are being named, but now at least it is done by a “Reich’s councillor” and no longer by trade union secretaries. And thus we arrive at the summary

The German nation spends ten percent more for living and has ten percent less income Taxes are not decreased, but have been raised in the form of contributions. Unemployment has decreased on paper but not actually. But in foreign affairs Germany is stronger than ever before and in internal politics the German people are thankful to Hitler for having broken up the parties which had become estranged from the people and for having humbled the intellectuals. And with the exception of the Communists, who today play no decisive role despite their fighting spirit, the German masses today actually stand behind Hitler.